Yesterday in the historic Cable Street – where a large mural on St. George’s Town Hall (next to Library Place) depicts scenes depicting the victorious effort antifascists, trade unionists on the 4th of October 1936 to prevent the fascist blackshirts of Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists to attack en masse immigrants and minorities (Irish and Eastender Jews) making their way to Westminster – the antifascist gathering took place, in view of the first anniversary of the murder of Pavlos Fyssas….
When I was asked by the Anarchist Research Group to talk here today, I resolved to tackle a difficult subject which we tend to ignore because it doesn’t fit our view of the world but which is going to affect us all, anarchists and non-anarchists, increasingly: the rise at the end of the twentieth century of religious fundamentalism. Among the classical anarchists, the characteristic statement on religion came from the most widely-circulated work of the Russian anarchist Michael Bakunin, God and the State. It is a fragment, written in 1871, in which he deplores the fact that belief in God still survived among the people, especially, as he put it, ‘in the rural districts, where it is more widespread than among the proletariat of the cities’.
A number of obstacles have been set up, by custom and/or by State intervention, in the way of unmarried couples . A simplification of legal codes and the abolition of unnecessary bureaucracy would have been the answer to this, as well as to much of social complexities and impasses. But before we vagely blame the omnipotent State for the bureaucratic maize it has weaved around us, we must consider how self-imposed customs, habits and superstions hold the State and its institutions together. So far as marriage is concerned, there is no reason whatsoever to celebrate the signing of a contract and there are several reasons to attack it on all sides for what it represents.
The government, seconded by most news networks are sure to have found the solution to the effects of religious fundamentalism as it has recently stricken British society: surveillance, stricter control through stricter legislation, supplemented by the practice of traditional ruffianism (or else the giving of information from members of the public to the authorities). For it is clear what the Telegraph means when it ends its August 23rd article with: “Somebody in the local community had tipped police off about his activities” and “the need to collect information is ever more pressing … the fear is other returning jihadists will have slipped the net, wandering Britain’s streets with murderous intent”
The Citizens Coordination Committee Fight for Housing was initiated in Rome in 1988 by comrades who participated in Autonomia Operaia (Workers Autonomy), a non-parliamentary Marxist group formed in the ‘70s. Its start-up action, that is to say, the occupation of the suburban area of San Basilio, marked the reinstatement of the struggle for self-organised housing in Rome. The struggle for housing stems from the historical fight of the exploited who were forced by the fascist regime into settlements in the city’s outskirts and were thus obliged, along with many immigrants, to live in sheds and shoddy shelters during the first post-war years.
A complete transcript of a 1977 interview with José Peirats, in which the Spanish historian and former militant of the CNT and FAI reminisces about his youth and discusses many of the controversies that plagued the CNT before as well as during the civil war, including the impact of the Russian Revolution, Angel Pestaña’s mission to Russia in 1920, the Asturian insurrection of October 1934, the CNT’s policy of collaboration with the government during the war, and the role of the Stalinists in the Republican coalition government’s counterrevolution against the anarchist revolutionary achievements of July 1936.
Marxism as the ideology of a master class has succeeded in emptying the concepts of socialism and communism, as Marx and his forerunners understood them, of their original meaning and has replaced it with the picture of a reality which is its complete negation. Although closely linked to the other two, a third concept – anarchism – seems however to have escaped this fate of becoming a mystification. But while people know that Marx had very little sympathy for certain anarchists, it is not so generally known that despite this he still shared the anarchist ideal and objectives: the disappearance of the State.
If we explain this situation to a man who has just returned from Mars, asking him to guess the climate in Europe, he might probably assume either that societies are in insurrectional unrest, or that a military regime has managed to suppress any revolutionary perspective. Reality, surely, is depressing. The penniless, one from the thousands of people represented in the above numbers, instead of rejecting this nightmare and join a movement against poverty, exclusion and for social justice (as it used to happen 100 and 200 years ago) chooses apathy, normalcy and indifference. Instead of becoming more socialized embraces isolation, instead of breaking his shackles, is caught tightly by his chains. But what are the conditions that force the penniless to this direction?
We are in a generalized crisis in relation to all the environments of enclosure–prison, hospital, factory, school, family. The family is an “interior,” in crisis like all other interiors–scholarly, professional, etc. The administrations in charge never cease announcing supposedly necessary reforms: to reform schools, to reform industries, hospitals, the armed forces, prisons. But everyone knows that these institutions are finished, whatever the length of their expiration periods. It’s only a matter of administering their last rites and of keeping people employed until the installation of the new forces knocking at the door.
Written: while in prison in Russia, and by command of the Czar, in 1851; Source: Bakunin on Anarchy, translated and edited by Sam Dolgoff, 1971. While there are many inclinations of the libertarian direction of Bakunin’s thought before and after his escape from Siberia in 1861, it was not until the period between 1864 and 1867, when he lived in Italy, that his anarchist ideas took final shape. This period
Συνέχεια στο υπόλοιπο »