Ή ιστορία είναι ό χώρος όπου το ανθρώπινο όν δημιουργεί οντολογικές μορφές — οι δε ιστορία και κοινωνία είναι οι πρώτες από αυτές τις μορφές. Δημιουργία δεν σημαίνει κατ’ ανάγκην (και ούτε συνήθως) «καλή» δημιουργία ή δημιουργία «θετικών αξιών». Το Άουσβιτς και το Γκουλάγκ είναι δημιουργίες, το ίδιο όπως και ο Παρθενώνας ή τα Principia Mathematica. ‘Ωστόσο, μεταξύ των δημιουργιών της ιστορίας μας, της ελληνοδυτικής ιστορίας, υπάρχει μία πού εμείς την αποτιμούμε θετικά και την υιοθετούμε. Είναι η θέση σε αμφισβήτηση, η κριτική, ή απαίτηση τού λόγον διδόναι, προϋπόθεση συγχρόνως και της φιλοσοφίας και της πολιτικής…
A short study on the life and times of Italian Anarchist Errico Malatesta by G. A. Aldred, first published in 1940.
Errico Malatesta was an Italian anarchist theorist. He spent much of his life exiled from Italy and in total spent more than ten years in prison. Malatesta wrote and edited a number of radical newspapers and was also a friend of Mikhail Bakunin. He was an enormously popular figure in his time.
The Revolution of Everyday Life (French: Traité de savoir-vivre à l’usage des jeunes générations) is a 1967 book by Raoul Vaneigem, Belgian author, philosopher and one time member of the Situationist International (1961–1970). The original title literally translates as, Treatise on Living for the Younger Generations. John Fullerton & Paul Sieveking chose the title under which the work appears in English.
The book was, along with Guy Debord’s The Society of the Spectacle (1967), one of the most significant works written by members of the Situationist International (1957–1972).
Guerin’s classic anthology of anarchism translated and reprinted, available for the first time in a single volume. It brings together a vast array of unpublished documents, letters, debates, manifestos reports, impassioned calls-to-arms and reasoned analysis; the history, organisation and practice of the movement – its theorists, advocates and activists; the great names and the obscure, towering legends and unsung heroes. This definitive collection portrays anarchism as a sophisticated ideology whose
Overall, Cahm’s ‘Kropotkin and the Rise of Revolutionary Anarchism, 1872-1886’ is an important contribution to the historical study of Peter Kropotkin and the impact he had on the revolutionary anarchist tradition during its most important period of development
Since the civil rights era, the doctrine of nonviolence has enjoyed near-universal acceptance by the US Left. Today protest is often shaped by cooperation with state authorities—even organizers of rallies against police brutality apply for police permits, and anti-imperialists usually stop short of supporting self-defense and armed resistance. How Nonviolence Protects the State challenges the belief that nonviolence is the only way to fight for a better world. In a
A short documentary that explains thoroughly the uprising in Bosnia and Herzegovina that started on the 5th of February 2014, as protests swept across the country when workers from five factories in northern city of Tuzla: Dita, Polihem, Poliolhem, GUMARA and Konjuh, declared strike. During these days, several governmental buildings were set on fire in cities across the country (including the presidential building in Sarajevo) resulting for four regional governments to resign.
Political apathy is a phenomenon that preoccupied and preoccupies many intellectuals and social scientists. It is a pathological symptom of a society that loses its creativity and digs deep the foundations of its decay. If we attempt to give a definition of political apathy, we would say that it is the condition where human beings cease to function as active political animals, they cease to consider themselves able to take responsibility for making decisions that determine their lives, finally cease to become exponents of a different social institution, ignoring any sense of autonomy .
From August 12-16 the zapatistas opened the doors to their caracoles, communities and hearts to 1630 students enrolled in the first grade of “the escuelita (the little school): freedom according to the zapatistas.” The escuelita didn’t have formal classrooms with a rigid schedule and teachers imparting their knowledge.
On Friday, February 7, government buildings were on fire all over Bosnia and Herzegovina. Its people, silent for a long time, finally decided to speak their mind. And when they did, what came out was not just words — it was a roar. It was fire, stones and heavy fighting with the police. The most impressive and symbolic picture of the first few days of the rebellion was the one depicting a burning government building in Tuzla, the city where it all began, with the graffiti “death to nationalism” written on it. Since nationalism has long been a favorite refuge of the country’s political elites, who used it to justify their political and economic oppression, this was indeed a powerful message.