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Athens: Nikos Romanos ended his hunger strike

nikospetition

Nikos Romanos, anarchist prisoner in Greece, was on hunger strike from the 10th of November until the 10th of December 2014. The judicial mechanisms refused his furlough request to attend university classes. In response to this, multiform actions of solidarity took place inside and outside the prisons of Greek democracy and internationally.

Most of all, it was the urgency of the situation that sparked street clashes and inspired instances of rebellion across the territory controlled by the Greek State. At the same time, comrades were eager to exchange ideas and desires over the previous month, and a great many diverse actions were able to see the light of day on the occasion of this prisoner hunger strike: daily assemblies, banner actions, direct actions, such as numerous arsons and attacks with homemade explosives (mainly against bank ATMs), hit-and-run attacks against police, street riots and large-scale clashes with the forces of order, building blockades, acts of sabotage (with the use of glue, paint, etc.), physical assaults against persons of Power, spontaneous protests against public appearance of politicians, symbolic occupation of radio and tv stations, a wave of state/corporate building occupations, counter-info gatherings, and large demonstrations. The creativity and conflictuality of various different anarchist individualities and groups may not be strong and decisive enough to keep the fight equally intense at the everyday level, but there’s always a chance that new projects will emerge from the latest encounter of comrades in occupied buildings, street actions, and so forth. However, only if people in solidarity with Nikos Romanos, and anarchists in particular, are willing to reflect on the specifics of what occurred during the last couple of days of his strike, they may find themselves prepared to practice a much-needed prisoner solidarity in the face of the new maximum security facility in Domokos, as well as the overall worsening of prison conditions.

Seeing that his initial request was repeatedly and vengefully denied, our comrade was blackmailed to accept electronic tagging as an option for getting educational furloughs eventually, “a last resort” that became more pressing as his health was quickly deteriorating. In fact, he chose to stop his hunger strike only after the Greek parliament voted almost unanimously (with the exception of two MPs of the main ruling party according to the official record, while MPs of the Nazi party were apparently quasi-present at the vote) in favor of an amendment proposed by the justice minister. This amendment refers to prisoners – convicts (sentenced in court) and indictees (awaiting trial) – that have the right to study at a higher education institution available in the same region as the state facility where they are incarcerated, but have not been granted educational leave from prison to regularly attend their classes. It specifies that any such prisoner must successfully attend 1/3 of classes and laboratory activities in one semester of an academic year by completing distant learning courses, and only then be permitted to make use of educational release days by wearing an electronic monitoring bracelet to physically attend classes. The justice minister included the provision of electronic tagging at the last minute, making sure to add that the competent disciplinary boards (prison councils) may still deny the request of an inmate for educational leave should they present a “special justification” for issuing a negative decision (even after the inmate has completed the required distance learning courses inside prison walls, and even if s/he accepts to be monitored by bracelet outside the walls, we presume). This legislative amendment applies in all cases of sentenced and awaiting-trial prisoners who are deprived of student furloughs (so, not just in the case of Nikos Romanos). On this occasion, almost all political parties had an electioneering benefit from promoting further repressive measures against prisoners while not missing their chance to show off a democratic and humanitarian profile.

Nikos has quit his strike, after 31 days, but he’s still asphyxiating for a few breaths of freedom. Given the outcome, knowing that his claim has not yet been vindicated, we demand what should be granted to him right away: educational leave from prison. Contrary to a widespread feeling of “victory”, we feel that nothing has been won apart from the valuable life of our comrade and the realization that we should respond to every blackmailing of statist lackeys, not sometime in the distant future but now, by intensifying all forms of fight against the prison-society. We firmly stand by the side of prisoners in struggle, and against the enforcement of the use of teleconferencing and electronic tagging as yet another method of isolating captives of the State/Capital. Now, more than ever before, prisoner solidarity must go on the offensive by any means necessary.

Republication from contrainfo.espiv.net

Information about prisoner hunger strike from 18 to 20 July in Germany and Switzerland

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Update on prisoner hunger strike in Germany and Switzerland, in solidarity with prisoners in Greece, following this announcement:

Even if the Greek parliament passed the bill on maximum security prisons on the 8th of July, the resistance against the new prison system, and in particular the type C prisons, is not over… These prisons have similarity with the F-type prisons in Turkey or with maximum security prisons in Germany. Following the mass hunger strike in Greek prisons, a statement on international solidarity hunger strike has been sent around in different prisons in Germany, but the communication between/with inmates takes a long time.

In German prisons, the participants in the solidarity hunger strike are until now Oliver Rast at Tegel prison in Berlin, Ahmet Düzgün Yüksel (extradited from Greece to Germany in May 2014), as well as Andreas Krebs.

Andreas, in his early 40s, has been in prison for over 16 years. He is a rebellious prisoner, and participated in several hunger strikes and also tried to escape two times. Thanks to his initiative, over 20 prisoners in the Aschaffenburg jail in Bavaria declared their solidarity with the upcoming strike. He has also written to inmates in two other prisons.

Comrade Thomas Meyer-Falk, imprisoned since 1996 and now in security detention in Freiburg, has written a solidarity message for the hunger strike, announced between the 18th and the 20th of July 2014.

Anarchist Marco Camenisch (in jail more than 20 years) will participate in the hunger strike as well; he is currently held in Bostadel, Switzerland.

Republication from contrainfo.espiv.net

Three years on remand in order to… make an example

He has been on remand for 3 years and was prosecuted twice for the same offence, despite the fact that his name doesn’t even appear in the case file.

The maximum time he should spend on remand expires tomorrow; and he chose this date to start a hunger strike, clarifying that “this is not an act of desperation, but rather to keep up the fight.»

He was prosecuted twice for the same offence. He was put on remand twice.

The maximum time he could be held on remand for the second time is twelve months. But when this time was over, instead of being released, his detention period was extended for another six months. Meanwhile, his first trial has not been completed and the second (for which he is now being held prisoner) has not even started.

All this, seventeen years after the adoption of Law 2408/1996, which prohibits splitting a single case against the same defendant into several cases and imposing multiple, successive pre-trial detentions, in order to prevent that temporary custody extends beyond the statutory 18 months.

An unprecedented case

In fact, this ban was enacted after a series of convictions of Greece by the European Court of Human Rights, because precisely of this type of violation.

The case of Kostas Sakkas is truly unprecedented, because, as noted by his lawyer, Marina Daliani, “such a direct and cynical violation of the Code of Penal Procedure, the Constitution and the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) concerning remand hasn’t happened in 17 years (since law 2408/1996 is in effect).”

But what happened in the case of young Kostas Sakkas, who is at risk of remaining in detention for three years without trial, when, furthermore, his maximum detention time according to the law expires tomorrow, Tuesday 4 June, while he is still being held prisoner? In fact, Kostas himself chose this “symbolic” date to start a hunger strike. A choice which, as he clarifies, “is not an act of desperation, but rather to keep up the fight”.

Kostas Sakkas was arrested on 04/12/2010 in Athens. He gave his deposition to the 31st regular investigating magistrate on 07/12/2010 for the offences of membership in an unknown terrorist organisation and aggravated gun possession, and was put on remand. During his time in detention, he was further indicted for membership in the organisation Conspiracy of the Cells of Fire (CCF) and was summoned for a complementary deposition on 12/04/2011. That was when the order was issued to extend the detention warrant imposed on 07/12/2010.

During his time in detention (specifically two months before the completion of the 18-month period), he was charged anew with the same offence, i.e. membership in the CCF (for which charges had already been pressed, with the trial still pending) and with a series of actions for which the CCF claimed responsibility between 01/01/2008 and 04/12/2010 (this is the court case for which a trial began in the three-member Court of Appeals for Felonies in Athens on 05/04/2013).

Not a single mention

According to the defence, there isn’t the slightest indication of guilt against him for all these actions (there actually isn’t the slightest mention of his name in the whole case file). Furthermore, all the individual files pertaining to the case were available to the special Investigating Magistrate of the Court of Appeals before 12/04/2011, when K. Sakkas was summoned for a complementary deposition; thus, legally, according to the Code of Penal Procedure, there was no possibility to issue a new detention warrant against him. Despite all this, he was declared again to be on remand, and his new temporary detention period formally started on 04/06/2012, when the first eighteen months had expired.

The maximum time limit for his second detention period, as defined by the Code of Penal Procedure (12 months) ran out before his first trial was finalised, while the second trial (for which he is being held on remand) has not even started. The Council of Magistrates of Appeals issued an order to extend his time on remand by another six months. He therefore risks spending 3 years on remand without trial.

No possible extension

However, as pointed out by Ms Daliani, according to article 288 § 2 of the Code of Penal Procedure of the Penal Code, a second temporary detention period cannot last more than one year and cannot be extended when imposed while the defendant is already on remand, even if it refers to other acts.

K. Sakkas has already filed objections to the Council of Magistrates of Appeals against the extension of his detention. A motion to reverse the contentious detention order on grounds that the Council exceeded its powers was submitted to the Public Prosecutor of the Supreme Court and is still pending.

K. Sakkas has stated that he is an anarchist and that his presence at the site where he was arrested (while exiting a rented warehouse where firearms were stored) has to do with his political identity and the choices it entails. As for being detained for participating in the CCF, he claims that it happened because «charges of participating in an organisation that has no prior recorded activity and whose members do not possess bombs, pamphlets or guns, an organisation that does not even have a name, would obviously not stand in a courtroom».

He further adds: «I made it clear in the past –as did the CCF itself from their side– that I am not a member of the said organisation. I say this not in order to avoid the vengeful, punitive ordeal that bourgeois justice has in store for anyone accused of being a CCF member, but simply because this is the way it is.

«I have to spell it out for the true historical record. Today, having been held on remand for 2.5 years basically for simply possessing a firearm (just to clarify, aggravated possession of firearms means that the firearms held by someone are intended either to be traded or to supply a terrorist organisation, for which there is no evidence in my case, nor do I accept it), the main institutional defenders of the judiciary and the law, who are detaining me for violating it, decided to ignore even their own constitution. Essentially, this prolonged state of captivity, which imposes upon me these devastating periods of temporary detention, is an offset for flimsy, badly doctored charges that cannot but fizzle out in the courtroom, no matter what they do and despite the special status that characterises these accusations (from any point of view). Anyone who has gone through this process, even for a short while, knows this very well.

Because I believe that the road to individual and collective freedom is paved with struggle and resistance, I decided to commence a hunger strike on Tuesday 4 June, on the day when, according to the existing legal framework, my maximum pre-trial detention period time is over.»

… and he is not alone

Gerasimos Tsakalos is the victim of a similar human rights violation; in fact, he was summoned to give a deposition for the offence of “direct complicity in forgery with the aim to commit criminal acts under Article 187A on terrorist activity”. The summon concerns the case of a robbery in Velvento near Kozani. The charges are strange to say the least, since he was on remand, and what is more after successive extensions, at the time when the robbery was committed. It seems that the prevailing rationale is that any anti-authoritarian arrested for “X” reasons is simultaneously dubbed a member of the CCF. The same thing happened with G. Karagiannidis, C. Sakkas, A. Mitrousias, Th. Mavropoulos and others. Their own political statements, as well as those of the CCF and its imprisoned members do not seem to matter at all in the nightmarish case files.

Of course, others are arrested with kitchen knives and weapons and leave their fingerprints on human victims, but simply state that they are not members of anything, take off the t-shirts with a specific logo and, as a rule, are released with minor charges, even if they are caught in the act of blowing up a bank. You see, for such people, the Penal Code applies without aggravating circumstances!

Translation of Katerina Kati’s article for The Editors’ newspaper, 03 June 2013

Anarchist Kostas Sakkas on hunger strike since June 4

Via: Occupied London

Over the past few days, numerous acts of solidarity took place throughout Greece in solidarity with imprisoned anarchist Kostas Sakkas, who is on hunger strike since the 4th of June 2013 fighting for his immediate release. On the 11th of June, a treating physician reported that clinically he has profound weakness, fatigue after minimal exertion (e.g. walking from his cell to the prisons infirmary), discomfort, mild dyspnea, dizziness, headache, abdominal pain, and he has lost 3.5kg of weight.

In the meantime, fellow prisoners have declared their unreserved solidarity with the hunger striker. Since the 4th of June, four comrades that are held in the dungeon of Koridallos women’s prison wing, Kostas Gournas (Revolutionary Struggle member), Christoforos Kortesis, Vaggelis Stathopoulos, as well as Dimitris Koufontinas (17 November member), have refused prison meals.

On the 5th of June, in the session of the 3rd CCF trial at Koridallos women’s prison court, co-accused comrades left the courtroom supporting the decision of Kostas Sakkas to go on hunger strike.

Since the 6th of June, the comrades from Larissa prison second wing Rami Syrianos and Spyros Stratoulis have abstained from prison food to support Kostas Sakkas in his struggle, stating also their solidarity with CCF member Gerasimos Tsakalos, who received an extension of his pretrial detention.

On the 7th of June, anarcho-communists Tasos Theofilou (Domokos prison) and Polykarpos Georgiadis (Corfu prison) published a joint statement for their comrade Kostas Sakkas, saying ‘we will meet again soon, at the battlefields of social/class war.’

On the 11th of June, a total of 290 women and men incarcerated in Larissa, Patras, Corfu, the first wing of Koridallos, Alikarnassos, and Eleonas–Thebes released an open letter in defense of Kostas Sakkas and the destruction of every prison.

On the 13th of June, Kostas Sakkas was brought to the Athens appeals court (on Loukareos street), where a council of appellate judges examined his objection against his prolonged pretrial incarceration for another 6 months. (Their decision is yet to be announced.) In the same morning, three other prisoners were brought before a judicial council in the same court, namely anarchists Fivos Harisis, Argyris Ntalios and Dimitris Politis. During their stay at the appeals court, cops attacked Fivos Harisis throwing him to the ground, kicking him repeatedly, and handcuffing him even in the transfer van. When all of the prisoners, including the hunger striker, were taken back to Koridallos an intense clash broke out with cops and jailers at the prison, in response to the earlier police assault at one of them. The comrades turned the entrance unit into a battlefield for a while (fire extinguishers, drawers with documents and chairs were thrown in the air, and windows were smashed), proving in practice that no attack of the dogs of Power will be left unanswered.

Strength to all prisoners in struggle! Immediate release of hunger striker Kostas Sakkas!

Hunger strike declaration by Kostas Sakkas, Koridallos prison, May 29th, 2013:

On the 4th of December 2010 I was captured along with the comrade Alexandros Mitroussias in the district of Nea Smyrni, Athens, while I was leaving a rented warehouse where arms were being stored.

Since the beginning, I have admitted my connection with this place as well as the weapons found there. I have stated, since the first moment, that I am an anarchist and that my presence in this specific place was related to my political identity and the choices I make as a consequence of this.

On the 7th of December 2010 they brought me before the head investigator and I got in pretrial detention on charges of participation in an unknown terrorist organization as well as aggravated possession of weapons.

On the 12th of April 2011, when I had already been in the prison of Nafplion for more than four months, I was called upon again by the investigators Baltas and Mokkas, and without any new evidence, nor even any new developments on the investigation, I was remanded for participating in the R.O. CCF. It was obvious that this was because the principal investigators realized that a case against an unknown organization that hasn’t any registered actions, doesn’t have any bombs, nor communiqués, that has not used guns, an organization without a name, couldn’t stand up in a courtroom.

I have clarified in the past —as did the R.O. CCF for their part— that I’m not a member of this organization. I didn’t do this to avoid the vengeful, punitive odyssey that the bourgeois justice reserves for all those accused of being members of that organization, but simply because that’s how it is. I ought to set the history straight; not only for me but also for the R.O. CCF.

The initial charge of participation in an unknown terrorist organization attributed both to me and my two comrades (Alexandros Mitroussias, Giorgos Karagiannidis) and the rest of the people arrested in the same operation —although they had nothing to do with it— showed up at a time that was political expedient for the DAEEV anti-terrorist force (the so-called Special Violent Crime Squad of the Greek police), on account of the ex-minister of public order named Christos Papoutsis, who desired —like all his counterparts— to dismantle, at all costs, a terrorist organization during his mandate. It is known that this minister directly supervised the operation, and even evaluated the information that the anti-terrorist force had, and finally gave the order to make arrests. Anyone who watched the mass media during that time remembers the scenarios and evaluations of various journalistic parrots about which organization we belonged to, what we intended to do, etc., obviously being fed by the DAEEV, until the results of the ballistic tests made them shut up… Later, Mr Papoutsis, in an attempt to apologize for the fiasco, gave an interview to a well known magazine stating that the ‘anti-terrorist force has tricked him’ (!).

On the 6th of April 2012, still in jail awaiting trial and reaching the limit of 18 months (the maximum pretrial incarceration period), I was out again in pretrial detention for committing 160 incendiary and bombing actions claimed by the organization CCF. It’s worth comment that in this particular case file there is neither any evidence against me —they didn’t even bother to frame me this time— nor any reference to my person except in the execution of the indictment. It’s a case file that could be served, without exaggeration, to anyone, according to the logic of the intransigent investigators Baltas and Mokkas. The prosecutory purposes of this are evidenced by the fact that the principal investigators had their hands on this specific file from the very first moment of my arrest, and were obligated —that is according to the law— to give it to me along with the first accusatory file. To put it simply: these gentlemen detained me on charges of participation in the same organization twice, consecutively (!).

Today, after being jailed for two and a half years, for simple weapons possession (to clarify: aggravated possession of weapons means that the weapons were intended either for trade or for equipping a terrorist organization, something which is neither evident, nor something I have admitted to), the primary institutional defenders of justice and law, who hold me for breaking it, decided to ignore even their own Constitution —which defines maximum time of 12 months for each subsequent to the first pretrial detention— since that is not enough for their political needs. Therefore, they decided to hold me hostage for six more months.

In fact, they intend this prolonged and excessive captivity to offset their makeshift, lazy accusations. Whatever they may do it is not enough to prevent the ‘deflation’ of the charges in any courtroom, despite the special regime that characterizes the terror-courts (in every way). Anyone who has ever set foot in them even for a while knows it very well.

Their tactics and vengeful intentions are clear by now. Yes, it’s true; the State avenges its political opponents; avenges but never acknowledges them. It never has, as a matter of fact. In the past they were treated as foreign agents and traitors, and now as terrorists and enemy of the society.

The fact is that, due to the domestic consequences of the global capitalist crisis, the political system is going through what is both the most critical and the most unstable period since the dictatorship. It is also a fact that repression, and the generally authoritarian attitude of the State, is the ‘last card’ in its hand, the last thing it can do to ensure a subordinated social peace and prevent a generalized reaction from being expressed in organized and substantial insurrectionary forms.

The finance minister himself has confessed that this is the first time that a government is asked to implement such extreme measures in peacetime. The laws have always reflected the will of the powerful, but today not even these laws are enough for the political representatives of the system in the face of what they need to implement so as to loyally serve the establishment.

Because of my political view and position, that the road to individual and collective freedom is full of struggle and resistance, I decided on Tuesday 4/6 to go on hunger strike; the date when, according to the current laws, the maximum time limit of my pretrial custody is expired. I would like to clarify that, for me, the choice to go on hunger strike is not a gesture of despair, but a choice to continue the fight, a fight that my comrades and I have made since the first moment of our captivity; a resistance to the unprecedented and vindictive treatment of the judicial mechanisms, which decided in our case to take a break from their cash collection duties to defend society from its supposed enemies and the laws from the outlaws. They are the same mechanisms, and the same persons behind them, who are actual perpetrators of the legitimacy of forced return to work for strikers; the same who are primary responsible for the thousands of property auctions and the homeless, for the abolition of labour demands, for the unemployed, for the abolition of social benefits, for the thousands living below the poverty line, for hundreds of suicides every year by those who, unable to cope decently, put an end to their lives; they are actual perpetrators of the legitimacy of declaring people illegal and piling them up in camps; responsible of classifying tortures and beatings at police stations, accidental gun discharges, the silencing of anti-regime media as legitimate…

They are responsible for creating a cemetery society in the name of law, and when it’s necessary, for establishing a cemetery society outside the law… Steeped in hypocrisy and nastiness, despicable to both the devotees of bourgeois justice and its detractors and ideological enemies.

“Slowly dies who does not risk certainty for the uncertainty to chase a dream, those who do not forego sound advice at least once in their lives, … Who does not find grace in himself, dies slowly, … Let’s try and avoid death in small doses, reminding oneself that being alive requires an effort far greater than the simple fact of breathing.”
—Pablo Neruda

Kostas Sakkas, first wing in Koridallos prison

Greece: Victory for the 300 migrant hunger strikers


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The hungerstrike of 300 migrants ended today. The strikers accepted the proposal following some key big concessions by the government. This is a huge victory on the side of the hunger strikers who now see the road paved for tens of thousands of people to be able to live in the country without the fear of being undocumented. As Occupied London reports, it has been agreed:

        -Decrease of the required residence time of migrants in the country in order to submit applications for residence permits to 8 years, down from 12 years before (this applies to every single migrant living in the Greek territory)
-Decrease of the required work credits to 120, from 200 before (same as for local workers)
-Decrease of the work credits required for insurance cover to 50, from 80 before (this applies to all workers, local and migrant)
-For the three-hundred hunger strikers in particular, the allowance has been given for them to indefinitely renew their 6-month “state of tolerance” status until the time when they reach the time and conditions to receive a residence permit. During that time they will be allowed to travel freely to and from their country of origin.The three-hundred migrant strikers risked their lives not on the basis of individualistic or utilitarian motives but for a collective right, in a struggle that asserted rights concerning the dignity of the entire working class. This hunger strike is a social struggle against the illegality of all migrants, a struggle addressing the entire class of workers. It comes as a continuation of struggles of the recent past, from the farmer-migrants in Manoliada, Ilia and Skala, Lakonia to the strike of the fishermen-migrants in Michaniona, Thessaloniki.The struggle of the three-hundred migrant workers proves nothing is impossible.

Translation of latest statement from the Solidarity Committee:

        The victory of the 300 migrants, hope for all societies

9th March 2011

Today’s governmental decision to satisfy a share of the demands of the 300 migrants proved that the only lost struggle is the one you never give. Furthermore, it showed to all workers, both men and women that the Mnemonio (austerity measures) government is not undefeatable. The strong ideal for struggle and wide social solidarity can achieve realistic results.

It is obvious that new, long-lasting tougher struggles lie ahead to help cease the apartheid strategy against the foreign workers who live in Greece and Europe. Although, there should be no doubt that the self-deny of the 300 opened a new gate to hope.

We would like to thank all who (and they were many…) supported this difficult struggle from the beginning (by Nomiki, School for Laws, where it started as an initiative) to the hospitals that were involved. Above all, we would like to express our upmost respect to the 300 strikers for whom all the working class can be proud of.

The hunger strike of the 300 started on Monday, 25 January 2011, claiming the obvious: unconditional legalization. During these 45 days a series of notable solidarity actions took place across the country and all over Europe (click here for older developments). In the afternoon of March 8th, activists from Solidarity Initiative Berlin organised a small protest in front of the Greek embassy expressing their dismay about the criminal stance of the Greek government towards the 300 migrants and the inhumane asylum system of Greece. They handed a notice to the ambassador which he sent as a fax to the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Athens. They also suggested to several politicians and social actors to put more pressure on the Greek government in order to justify the demands of the hunger strikers.

In Paris, the vice-president of the Papandreou dictatorial regime Theodoros Pangalos (grandson of the general and dictator Th. Pangalos) was attending an event organised by the filmmaker Costa Gavras, at the “Greek House”. A small group of people entered the building, shouting slogans against him, demanding his  immediate withdrawal. They unfolded banners in solidarity with the 300 hunger strikers and soon comrades who live in Paris arrived at the place. The protesters demanded his withdrawal, which eventually came a little later. As Pangalos was leaving the room he ordered the cancellation of the event accusing the students as «terrorists»! On May 7 Pangalos ordered the evacuation, even by force , of the Hypatia building (where the hunger strikers were staying). According to his announcement: “All limits of tolerance and understanding as it concerns the health issues raised practically by the struggle of the immigrants have been expired.” He is the one who accused disgracefully all of the citizens with the words «Mazi ta fagame» («We fooled away the money together, both government and citizens») and called the Greek public servants as «coprites» (lowlife thieves).

Both the Greek and the international media did not hesitate once again to spew their vitriol against this fair fight, claiming that this hunger strike was organised by people who carry a specific political agenda. The slander from the Greek government, the far right party LA.O.S and their best servants – the mainstream media – concerned the motivation of this action. But they finally have been proven wrong. Undoubtedly, this action was not influenced or provoked by anyone, essentially not by any political party. The motivation of the solidarity committee was only a response to the duty to stand in solidarity by the side of all those who are impaired by the tactics of the regime. The migrants living in Greece rank thereby first. Below you can find attached a report – submitted by the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment – regarding not only the heartless asylum system but also all the brutal repression tactics of this dictatorial regime.

Human Rights Council, Mission to Greece

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