Zygmunt Bauman (Poznań, Polonia, 1925) es un sociólogo, filósofo y ensayista polaco.
Nació en Poznan (Polonia) en una humilde familia judía. Huyendo de los nazis se trasladó a la Unión Soviética para regresar posteriormente a Polonia, donde militó en el Partido Comunista3 y fue profesor de filosofía y sociología en la Universidad de Varsovia antes de verse obligado a irse de Polonia en 1968 a causa de la política antisemita desarrollada por el gobierno comunista después de los sucesos de marzo de 1968. Posteriormente a su purga de la universidad de Varsovia, ha enseñado sociología en países como Israel, Estados Unidos y Canadá.
At the Minds Limits is one of his most notable work work. It provokes the reader to empathize while simultaneously making him question or even feel guilty for such empathy. Amery describes in this book his experiences in the death camp, using terminology taken from the phenomenology school – Husserl and Heidegger – in order to show its inadequacy to refer to that experience as well as in order to make fun – and harshly criticize – the intellectuals’ inability to approach the human evilness and fathom phenomena such as the murderous Nazi regime
Feelings are mixed regarding the results of the European elections. So far the center-right coalition, the European People’s Party (EPP) came first, occupying in total 213 seats, whilst the center-left Social Democrats (PES) stands in opposition (190 seats). In the third place are the Liberal Democrats (ALDE) with 64 seats, followed by the Coalition of the Greens with 53, the Conservative Reformers (AECR) with 46 (which expected to increase if the anti-euro, Alternative For Germany AFD, joins). Finally, the European Left (GUE/NGL) won 42 seats and the right-wing coalition Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD) 38, while in total 104 MEPs come from unregistered parties…
A short documentary that explains thoroughly the uprising in Bosnia and Herzegovina that started on the 5th of February 2014, as protests swept across the country when workers from five factories in northern city of Tuzla: Dita, Polihem, Poliolhem, GUMARA and Konjuh, declared strike. During these days, several governmental buildings were set on fire in cities across the country (including the presidential building in Sarajevo) resulting for four regional governments to resign.
unanistan, İspanya, Portekiz ve Avrupa’nın geriye kalanı gibi, Türkiye de benzeri şekilde, geniş çapta demokratik özgürlüklere saldıran devlet şiddetini tecrübe ediyor. Siyasi iktidarın bir azınlığın elinde gitgide artarak yoğunlaşması ve aynı zamanda olağanüstü bir şekilde acımasızlığın, ötekileştirmenin, eşitsizliğin ve adaletsizliğin artmasıyla sonuçlamasına bağlı olarak devlet ve baskı mekanizmalarının dünya çapında daha fazla otoriterleşmesi gün gibi açıktır. Oligarşik hükümetlerin temel haklarımıza karşı keyfi uygulamaları; bir illüzyon ya da fantezi değil, apaçık bir gerçekliktir.
In modern Greece we often deal with little or large semiological civil wars or with a semiological poly-phrenia since different institutions employ the same language for very different processes. For example ancient Greek words referring to hospitality may either refer to e.g. touristic industry’s slogans (i.e. philoxenia, xenia hotels etc.) or to refer to the most brutal and xenophobic police operation that Greece has ever seen, named by the commanders ‘Xenios Dias’ after the ancient Greek god of hospitality.
While Samaras and his cronies portray themselves as the only source of justice against the brutality of GD, the strong ideological and practical links between his own party’s rhetoric and policies with the neo-nazi group do not allow us to consider his claim as plausible. While reactionary forces are taking over the ‘public’ sphere attempting to fill the political ‘gap’ and the incompetency of parliamentary ‘democracy’ we must be aware of the severe consequences of racism, the worst hubris of our times that will continue to penetrate social life beyond the parliaments. GD is only a reflection of the actual problem whose solution can be only found in the struggles for social emancipation, that propose rupture with heteronomous institutions and further spreading of direct democracy and equality.
Μετά τις εκατοντάδες επιθέσεις και τους τραμπουκισμούς εναντίον μεταναστών, μετά τη δολοφονία του Σαχτζάτ Λουκμάν, μετά τις καταδρομικές επιχειρήσεις εναντίον στεκιών και αγωνιστών της αντεξουσίας και της αριστεράς, έφτασε η ώρα μιας εν ψυχρώ δολοφονίας με μαχαίρι ενός έλληνα υπηκόου, του Παύλου Φύσσα. Σε μια περιοχή όπου η Χ.Α. σημείωσε υψηλά εκλογικά ποσοστά και έχει απλώσει για τα καλά τα πλοκάμια της. Ήταν προφανώς θέμα χρόνου. Η νεοφασιστική βία κλιμακωνόταν για όποιον είχε μάτια για να δει και αυτιά για ν’ ακούσει.
Huge anti-fascist protests took place yesterday in Greece, joined by trade unionists, activists, left-wing parties and anti-racist organizations. Only in Athens approximately 30-50.000 condemned the actions of Golden Dawn, one week after the fatal stabbing of the hip-hopper Pavlos Fyssas by Giorgos Roupakias, a Golden Dawn member who allegedly admitted to the killing.
In the morning of September 2nd, the Athens Courthouse saw the trial of Savvas Michael-Matsas and Kostantinos Moutzouris. Moutzouris is the ex-vice chancellor of the Athens Polytechnic. Michael-Matsas is the secretary general of the trotskyist Revolutionary Workers’ Party (EEK). What do they hold in common? They have both been sued by members of the Nazi Golden Dawn, accused of “libelous defamation,” “incitement to violence and civil discord”, and “disturbing the public peace”. All the charges were brought against them by members of the Golden Dawn – including, astonishingly, Themis Skordeli – a lead hate figure in Agios Panteleimonas, herself accused in a series of trials of grave bodily harm.