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Birlik ve Dostluk için Yunan Anarşistlerinden mesaj: Artık bizi hiç bir şey bölemez!

Exarcheia, Atina: Alexis Grigoropoulos’un polis tarafından vurulduğu işlek caddedeki Berlin Elvan fotoğrafı.

Çeviren: Sila Boz
İngilizcesi (link), Yunan (link)

15 yaşındaki Berkin Elvan’ın Gezi Parkı eylemlerinde başından vurularak, 269 gün komada kaldıktan sonra yaşamını yitirmesi bizi şaşırtmadı. Bu olay bize açıkça, 5 sene önce Aralık ayaklanmasını başlatan 15 yaşındaki Alexandros Grigoropoulos’un cinayetini hatırlattı. Bugün, Alex’in resmi pankartlarda Berkin’in yanında duruyor.

Yunanistan, İspanya, Portekiz ve Avrupa’nın geriye kalanı gibi, Türkiye de benzeri şekilde, geniş çapta demokratik özgürlüklere saldıran devlet şiddetini tecrübe ediyor. Siyasi iktidarın bir azınlığın elinde gitgide artarak yoğunlaşması ve aynı zamanda olağanüstü bir şekilde acımasızlığın, ötekileştirmenin, eşitsizliğin ve adaletsizliğin artmasıyla sonuçlamasına bağlı olarak devlet ve baskı mekanizmalarının dünya çapında daha fazla otoriterleşmesi gün gibi açıktır. Oligarşik hükümetlerin temel haklarımıza karşı keyfi uygulamaları; bir illüzyon ya da fantezi değil, apaçık bir gerçekliktir. Brezilya, İngiltere ve İspanya’da da devletin acımasız baskısına tanık olduğumuz gibi; barışcıl eylemlere ağır silahlı kolluk kuvvetleri tarafından saldıran ülkeler arasında Yunanistan ve Türkiye sadece iki örnek teşkil ediyor. İnsanların zor kazanılmış özgürlüklerini elinde tutma amacıyla mücadele ettiği bir çok ülkede, keyfi erk kullanarak varolan kurumlar, halka baskı ve zorlamayla karşılık veriyor. Aynı zamanda, medya dünyası kayıtsız, ilgisiz ve tek taraflı kalıyor. Bu yüzden;

  • durumun sadece bizim ellerimizde olduğunu anlamamızın ve sıradan vatandaşların tabandan örgütlenen mücadelesinin ortaya çıkması gerektiği an geldi. Her şeye rağmen nasıl anlamlı ve siyasi değişimi organize etmeye devam etmeliyiz? Nasıl siyasi görünümü özgün bir şekilde dönüştürebiliriz? Bunun gibi hassas zamanlarda, uluslararası dayanışmanın olumlu etkilerini kabul etmeden, ulusal engelleri aşmadan, kardeşlik ve dostluk mesajlarını yaymadan, gerçek bir dönüşüm meydana gelemez.
  • Bugün, aynı saldırıdan muzdarip çoğu Yunan, ezici bir şekilde tutkularını açığa vurmak zorunda hissediyor ve aynı zamanda tarihi ve kültürel bölünmenin koşulsuz bitişi için sesleniyor. Taksim’de ve Türkiye’nin başlıca şehirlerinde yeniden barikatlar kurulurken, yüzlerce, binlerce genç erkek ve kadın öfkeleriyle sokakları doldururken, Yunan nüfusunun büyük çoğunluğu birlik mesajı göndermeyi borç sayıyor. Berkin Elvan ve Alexandros Grigorpoulos’un birbirlerine yakın duran güçlü resimleri, bize ulusal farklarımızdan kesinlikle kaynaklanmayan baskı ve acıyı hatırlatıyor. Tam tersine, ancak mücadele birliğiyle kurtulmayı başaracağımız ebedi ayrıcalığın, yolsuzluğun, elitizmin, her türlü adaletsizliğin ve unsurların tasarlandığı şu anki kurumsallaşmış iktidar ilişkilerinden kaynaklanıyor.

Yüzyıllarca aramızdaki milliyetçi halkçılığın ve jeopolitik rekabetin, bizi nefret ve gerilimle beslediği inkar edilemez. Biliyoruz ki, kişisel çıkarlar tarafından motive edilmiş spekülatif silah tüccarları, iki halk (Yunan-Türk) arasında nefret ekip biçmeye devam edecekler. Bunca yıldır, aramızdaki tek ortak noktanın kılıçlar olduğuna, düşmandan başka bir şey olmadığımıza bizi ikna etmeye çalışan demagogları, nefret vaizlerini, parodi tarihçileri ve propagandistleri tanıyoruz. Mazideki şanımızı diriltmek adına gelecekteki ‘kötü komşularımıza’ karşı savaşlarda her zaman hayatımızı feda etmemiz istendi. Muhakememiz bu yüzden dostça değil, cahillikle yönlendirildi. Birbirimize karşı duyduğumuz nefret aklımızı fethetti. Şimdi ise, dini tecrit ve kibirli milliyetçiliği reddeden her iki ülkenin bütün demokrat vatandaşları için, bu zorluklara karşı savaşmanın zamanıdır. Yapısal şiddeti ortadan kaldırmayı ve otonom ve demokratik bir toplum yaratmak isteyen herkes, halkın -Türk ya da Yunan- gözdağı verme, fakirleşme ve aşağınmayı tecrübe ettiği böyle kritik bir zamanda saldırgan olmaya devam etmesi ve popülist milli ideolojilerin bayağılığını ortaya sermesi gerekmektedir.

Bu iç açıcı olmayan durumla yüzleşebilmemiz için, uluslararası devrimci bir ortak ağ ile kolektif eylem içine girmeliyiz. Kararlı eylemlerimizi artık birlikte savunmanın zamanıdır. Gerçek demokrasi, insanlık ve iletişim meydanlarda ve sokaklarda yeniden doğabilir!

A message for unity and friendship: nothing to divide us anymore…

Exarcheia, Athens: the photo of Berkin Elvan in the hot-spot where Alexis Grigoropoulos was shot dead by police fire-arms

The article in Greek (link) in Turkish (link)

The news of the death of 15-year-old Berkin Elvan after after 269 days in a coma due to head injury in the demonstrations for park Gezi last June in Istanbul, came not as a surprise to us. This undeniably remind us of the murder of 15-year-old Alexandros Grigoropoulos in Athens five years ago, which led to the December uprising. Today his image appears on placards next to that of Berkin.

Just as Greece, Spain, Portugal and the rest of Europe, Turkey is similarly experiencing the consequences of state brutality accompanied with large scale attacks on democratic freedoms. It is evident that the state and all the mechanisms of repression are gradually becoming more authoritarian across the globe as political power is increasingly concentrated in the hands of a minority, resulting at the same time in the dramatic expansion of brutality, exclusion, inequality and injustice. The arbitrariness of the oligarchic governments against our fundamental rights is not anymore an illusion or a fantasy but an obvious reality. Peaceful demonstrations are constantly attacked by heavily armed police forces; Greece and Turkey are only two examples, as we have witnessed brutal repression in Spain, Britain, Brazil. Almost all across the world where people are fighting aiming to maintain their hard-earned freedoms, the current institutions that exercise arbitrary power respond with force and coercion. At the same time, the world of media remains largely indifferent, dismissive or one-sided. Therefore:

  • the moment where we have to understand that the situation is solely in our hands and that the grassroots struggle of ordinary citizens must emerge, has arrived. How nonetheless can we keep organizing towards a meaningful and vital political change? How can we genuinely transform the political landscape? No substantial transformation could take place without acknowledging the positive impacts of international solidarity in such critical moments, without overcoming national barriers and spread the message of friendship and brotherhood.
  • Today a great percentage of Greeks who suffer a similar attack feel overwhelmingly compelled to express their compassion, calling at the same time for the unconditional end of all historical and cultural cleavages. Whilst the barricades in Taksim and in the major cities of Turkey are emerging again, whilst hundreds of thousands of young men and women are filling the streets expressing their indignation, the vast majority of democratic Greek citizens are morally indebted to send the message of unity. The powerful images of Berkin and Grigoropoulos placed close to one another remind us this oppression and suffering are not caused by national differences. On the contrary it derives from the current institutionalized power-relations, designed to perpetuate privilege, bribery, elitism and all kinds of injustices, elements we can achieve to eliminate only through unity of struggle.

It is undeniable that hysterical nationalistic populism and geopolitical rivalry between us has fed hatred and tensions for centuries. We know that speculative arms dealers motivated by self-interest will continue to cultivate and breed hatred between the two peoples (Turks and Greeks) that have so much in common. We acknowledge that demagogues, hate preachers, historians of parody and propagandists have for years attempted to convince us we are nothing but enemies, having nothing in common except the sword. That we should be always available to give our lives in the “upcoming war against our bad neighbours” looking for the revival of past glories. Our judgement is not driven anymore by friendliness but by ignorance. Hatred against each other has conquered our minds. It is time, nonetheless, for all democratic citizens of both countries who reject every form of hubristic nationalism or religious isolationism to combat these challenges. All of us who aim to eliminate the use of structural violence and instead create autonomous and democratic societies need to go down on the offensive and thoroughly expose the vulgarity of national populistic ideologies in such a critical moment where the ordinary citizen – either Turkish or Greek – experiences the same intimidation, impoverishment and humiliation.

In order to counter this bleak situation we must engage in collective action, through a joint internationalist revolutionary network. It’s time to hold decisive actions together. In the squares and streets real democracy, human creation, and communication may be reborn.

Για την Ουκρανική εξέγερση και τα πραγματικά διλήμματα

levie640

Εδώ και τρεις μήνες πλέον οι πλατείες του Κιέβου γεμίζουν με διαδηλωτές διαφόρων πεποιθήσεων (κυρίως όμως φιλελεύθερους ευρωπαϊστές και φανατικούς ακροδεξιούς) οι οποίοι, με σκοπό να εκφράσουν την δυσαρέσκειά τους στην απόφαση της κυβέρνησης Γιανουκόβιτς να παγώσει τις διαδικασίες για εμπορική σύνδεση με την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και να μην υπογράψει την ιστορική συμφωνία στρέφοντας το βλέμμα της προς τη Ρωσία, ξεχύθηκαν στους δρόμους. Η κλιμάκωση των ταραχών και η γενίκευση των συγκρούσεων με τις δυνάμεις καταστολής είχε ως αποτέλεσμα ο αριθμός των νεκρών να ξεπεράσει τους 50. Όπως όμως όλα δείχνουν οι κινητοποιήσεις έχουν πλέον για τα καλά παραδοθεί στο έλεος παραστρατιωτικών φασιστικών ομάδων, κάτι που άλλωστε ήταν εμφανές και από την αρχή. Αντίθετα με την περίπτωση της Βοσνίας-Ερζεγοβίνης όπου μόλις πριν από μερικές ημέρες ένα ποτάμι οργής (εργαζόμενων, φοιτητών και διαφόρων άλλων κοινωνικών ομάδων) καταδίκασε τις νεοφιλελεύθερες πολιτικές, φτάνοντας μέχρι και στο σημείο να πυρπολήσει κυβερνητικά κτήρια σε διάφορες πόλεις της χώρας – και ως απάντηση στον ξεσηκωμό η πολιτική ηγεσία της χώρας απειλεί με αιματοκύλισμα δηλώνοντας έτοιμη να ζητήσει στρατιωτικές ενισχύσεις από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση με στόχο την καταστολή των εξεγέρσεων – αντίθετα και πάλι με τις μεγάλες διαδηλώσεις στην Ελλάδα (2011-2012) που αντιμετωπίστηκαν με χλευασμό, ειρωνικά, υποτιμητικά και ρατσιστικά σχόλια για ολόκληρο τον ελληνικό λαό από τις Ευρωπαϊκές δημοσιογραφικές ελίτ, στην περίπτωση της Ουκρανίας η στάση των Ευρωπαίων ηγετών είναι ήπια έως θετική. Κανείς πλέον δεν κάνει λόγο για «βάνδαλους που καταστρέφουν δημόσια κτίρια» ή για «τεμπέληδες που αντί να αναλάβουν την ευθύνη για την κατάσταση στην οποία βρίσκονται και να επιστρέψουν στις δουλειές τους απεργούν και διαδηλώνουν». Τί και αν ομάδες νεοναζί έχουν φτάσει στο σημείο ενεργά να απειλούν με κατάληψη της εξουσίας, ο ΟΗΕ και οι δημόσιοι οργανισμοί ξαφνικά σιωπούν ενώ οργανώσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων – όπως για παράδειγμα η Διεθνής Αμνηστία – προσφεύγουν και πάλι το παιχνίδι της ακατάσχετης φλυαρίας καλώντας την κυβέρνηση της Ουκρανίας να επιδείξει σεβασμό στους διαδηλωτές, μην παίρνοντας ιδιαίτερα στα σοβαρά την ύπαρξη ένοπλων παραστρατιωτικών φασιστικών ομάδων επανδρωμένων με χούλιγκανς, λούμπεν στοιχεία και ποινικούς εγκληματίες (τον λεγόμενο «Δεξιό Τομέα») που πλέον ελέγχουν το μεγαλύτερο κομμάτι των διαδηλώσεων.

Το βασικό ερώτημα που τίθεται εδώ είναι το εξής: πώς η ακροδεξιά απέκτησε βήμα, καταφέρνοντας όχι μόνο να ηγηθεί (σχεδόν) των διαδηλώσεων αλλά και να καταστεί κυρίαρχη δύναμη στα γεγονότα; Κάποιοι/ες θα καταφύγουν στη γνωστή συνωμοσιολογία λέγοντας ότι οι διαδηλώσεις αυτές ήταν υποκινούμενες και σχεδιασμένες από την ΕΕ και τις ΗΠΑ ή ότι χρηματοδοτούνται από ιμπεριαλιστικά σκοτεινά κέντρα εξουσίας. Παρά του ότι κανείς/μια δεν μπορεί με βεβαιότητα να αποδείξει κάτι τέτοιο – ούτε φυσικά και το αντίθετο – η εμμονή στις αστυνομικού τύπου προσεγγίσεις της εν γένει πραγματικότητας επισκιάζουν μια πολύ σημαντική πτυχή στα γεγονότα, τους ιστορικο-πολιτικούς παράγοντες που διαμόρφωσαν το σύγχρονο πολιτικο-κοινωνικό γίγνεσθαι της χώρας, όπως η άνθηση ακραίων αντιδραστικών συμμοριών στην ευρύτερη περιοχή της Ουκρανίας κατά τη διάρκεια της προ-επαναστατικής περιόδου – στην ουσία επρόκειτο για λούμπεν στοιχεία που επάνδρωναν δολοφονικές ομάδες κρούσης – που κινητοποίησαν μαζικά πογκρόμ εναντίον του εγχώριου Εβραϊκού πληθυσμού, με αποκορύφωμα τα γνωστά Πογκρόμ της Οδησσού επί σειρά ετών, 1821, 1859, 1871, 1881, 1886, και 1905. Πρόκειται για ορόσημο στην ιστορία του Ευρωπαϊκού αντισημιτισμού, όπου και σημαντικό ρόλο έπαιξαν και Έλληνες Χριστιανοί φονταμενταλιστές της διασποράς. Εκατοντάδες Εβραίοι κυνηγήθηκαν, σφαγιάστηκαν από τον όχλο είτε εκτοπίστηκαν (Weinberg 1992: Cesarani 2002, σ.168: Ψαρράς 2013, 74-114). Αυτός ο ιδιαίτερα έντονος – και βαθιά ριζωμένος – αντισημιτισμός των Ουκρανών εξτρεμιστών είχε προ πολλού κινήσει και το ενδιαφέρον του Χίτλερ ο οποίος ήδη στο βιβλίο του «Ο αγώνας μου» θεωρούσε την Ουκρανία ως περιοχή «ζωτικής σημασίας» για τους Γερμανούς. Μια από τις ηγετικές φυσιογνωμίες του Ουκρανικού αντισημιτισμού υπήρξε και ο Στεπάν Μπαντέρα που κατά τη διάρκεια της εισβολής στην ΕΣΣΔ ασπάστηκε τον εθνικοσοσιαλισμό συμμαχώντας με τον στρατό του Χίτλερ. Οι ομάδες του Στεπάν είχε ειδικευτεί στην εξόντωση Εβραίων, Πολωνών και άλλων μειονοτήτων (τσιγγάνων, Τουρκο-ρώσσων και μουσουλμάνων). Λίγα χρόνια πριν την εισβολή όμως των Γερμανών η Ουκρανία βρίσκεται αντιμέτωπη με έναν από τους χειρότερους λιμούς που γνώρισε ποτέ. Πρόκειται για τη γνωστή γενοκτονία του Holodomor που ούτε λίγο ούτε πολύ αποδίδεται στις οικονομικές πολιτικές του Στάλιν οι οποίες οδήγησαν στον θάνατο εκατομμύρια πολίτες, πράγμα που αναζωπύρωσε τον Ουκρανικό αντικομουνιστικό αντισημιτισμό με βάση τον οποίο οι πολιτικές της ηγεσίας του Στάλιν επιβεβαίωναν τις υποψίες περί συνωμοσίας μεταξύ Εβραίων και κομμουνιστών με στόχο τον αφανισμό των εθνών και την πλήρη υποταγή της ανθρωπότητας. (περισσότερα…)

2014: One step ahead

2013, an eventful twelvemonth in the world of politics that gave us many reasons to dream or to despair, is nearly at its end. This was the year when the symbol of racial equality, Nelson Mandela, passed away (whilst the real struggle against the apartheid still goes on), the year when Venezuela mourned the death of her controversial leader, Hugo Chávez, and Britain one of the most hated representatives of the Neoliberal ideology, Margaret Thatcher. Νew political figures, leaders and demagogues, however, are emerging, such as Pepe Grillo in Italy, while once again we witnessed civil unrests and revolts that challenged governments and political regimes, with the most notable the Turkish and Brazilian uprising at the end of Spring, the massive anti-corruption protests in Bulgaria and Romania and the right-wing revolt in Ukraine.

Undeniably Mandela and Chávez for many oppressed across the globe represent the spirit of resistance, the former against racism and the latter against the vulgarity of US’s foreign policy and neoliberalism, an economic doctrine that has transformed the whole European south into an impoverished zone, following the massive increase in suicide rates and unemployment, while hopelessness is taking over the entire ‘lost generation’. The ‘celebration’ of Thatcher’s death is an obvious expression of anger against the negative impacts of neoliberal economics in Britain’s poor populations; division, repression and social exclusion. But can we deny that Chavism or Mandela’s longtime power have not radically eradicated poverty? The apparent negative answer clearly indicates that whilst the Venezuelan and South African paradigms can be acknowledged as obvious sources of inspiration, at the same time they teach us how bureaucratic institutions have very limited potentials for a real transformation, towards peace and social justice. This is the actual political challenge for the people of the European south: the solutions proposed by parties and leaders could only temporarily benefit the exhausted populations, and in no way should be considered as permanent answers to all problems. Placing all our hopes to parties like the populist SYRIZA or the Italian self-proclaimed ‘bi-partisan’ (but quasi-reactionary) Five Star Movement (which during the national elections came second after the Social Democrats, sending a clear message to Brussels’ technocrats and the European Central Bank) without engaging in democratic self-organization, self-management and direct participation in the decision making, might result to a serious defeat for all the anti-austerity movements, since the stronger these parties get the more reformist they become, depriving thus all our hopes for institutional change.

As aforementioned, 2013 was the year when one of the biggest uprisings in the history of Turkey took place: people from different political backgrounds (seculars, liberals, nationalists, anarchists and communists) openly denounced the government’s plans to transform Instanbul’s central park into a mall. Once the police responded with violence and brutal repression, a massive revolt broke out all across the country. Millions took to the streets, confronting water canons and excessive amounts of tear gas, while ten people were killed after being brutally attacked by the armed police officers. Soon after the first images of barricades, injured protesters, blood in the streets of Istanbul, dead pigeons (due to tear gas) begun to circulate across the social media networks, Greeks responded with solidarity protests (mainly in Athens and Thessaloniki) and, additionally, in Britain and Germany Turkish citizens gathered outside consulates to condemn Tayip Eordogan’s state of exception. But as in Turkey, similarly in Brazil, citizens took to the streets en masse, opposing the government’s plans to increase public spending for the preparations of the 2014 World Cup, at the moment where the country’s poor population is suffering. Thus widespread clashes occurred in Rio and other cities; police vans were torched, banks were smashed while offices and government buildings became the target of many angry mobs. But Brazil was not alone; large scale protests occurred also in Mexico, (in a country where the Zapatistas communities celebrated their twentieth anniversary of autonomy by inviting thousands activists from all over the world to Chiapas[1]) and similarly in Greece university and school teachers denounced privatizations, organizing protests and occupations.

Greece, again, did not cease to attract the interest of the European mainstream media, where as in the rest of Europe, the crisis has resulted in the increase of one of the worst nightmares, the terror of fascist totalitarianism. Golden Dawn, a party (whose members have participated in murderous racist attacks) that constantly exploit fear on immigration, public indignation against corruption, poverty and uncertainty, after gaining 7% in the elections of 2012, begun to perpetuate its power by organizing food distributions «strictly only for Greeks» and terrorizing political opponents. Their vigilantist tactics achieved to increase their percentages, reaching the alarming 10% in the country’s official polling reports. But Golden Dawn’s real face was soon to be revealed: the assassination of the Pakistani immigrant, Shehzad Luqman, in the streets of Athens, and the fatal stabbing of the anti-fascist rapper Pavlos Fysas, sparked massive riots across the country, sending a clear message to the corrupt, and eroded by reactionary ultra-nationalist elements, Greek justice system. The conservative coalition, acting under the pressure of public outcry, ordered arrests for some of GD’s lawmakers. Most of them are facing charges for murder, while additional police investigations uncovered a series of other crimes (tax and benefit fraud, money laundering and sex trafficking) committed by them. Is, however, this institutional crackdown nothing but dubious and disputable? This question still challenges the Greek anti-authoritarian space and the media, as it is well evident that the ruling party (New Democracy) attempts to exploit the chance in order to attract much of GD’s disappointed votes, especially if we take into account how ND begun to decline in percentages after the PM Antonis Samaras ordered the closure of the National TV Broadcaster ERT.

As circle of crisis, oppression and unrest is repeated all across the globe, Syria experiences its most tragic moments. The brutal civil war between the ultra-authoritarian government of Bashar al-Assad and several Islamic fundamentalist factions has left over 2 million refugees and 120,000 others killed in a country of 21.1 million, while the Egyptian people are still struggling against state repression: the appalling bloodshed that followed after the overthrow of the fundamentalist Muslim Brotherhood clearly indicates that Egypt’s dictators have never truly been removed from power. Is, however, brutal oppression only a monopoly of the eastern world? The, drone strikes in Yemen against civilians, the example of Edward Snowden and Chelsea Manning who are being persecuted for exposing police surveillance against citizens, war crimes and the vast shift towards the state of exception, along with the rapid criminalization of dissent (as we have seen in Britain this November during the student’s protests in London) not only reveal the hypocrisy of western governments, but also our complicity to this system of injustice and brutality through our acceptance of cynical individualism and our alliance with the culture of indifference that has been cultivated during the past few decades.

Here is 2014, one step ahead, a year where the spirit of resistance has to continue everywhere, where the struggle against oppression, whether it is called neoliberalism or religious fundamentalism has to carry on. We learn from our mistakes but we get inspired from each other’s victories. We call into question power relations, governments, norms and values, the whole social system of representations, institutions that also include ourselves. Therefore, we redetermine our own everyday moves, seeking to replace cynicism, indifference and apathy with free spirit, humanity and creativity which lies inside us in our deepest emotions, in the most substantial discovery of human imagination, that is reason and consultation, the essence of real democracy, of the regime of freedom but also self-assessment. As Foucault (p.xiii) has said, “the major enemy, the strategic adversary is fascism […] the fascism in us all, in our heads and in our everyday behavior, the fascism that causes us to love power, to desire the very thing that dominates and exploits us”[2]. Let 2014 be the year where change of consciousness will take place, for global justice, freedom, equality and peace.

The whole world is going through a revolutionary phase that will take us to a new era. Brazil. Egypt. Turkey. Chile. Greece. Spain. It is obvious that people now understand that ballot boxes are just a means for the elite to monopolize power. People express their real opinions in the street. All of this is threatening the hegemony of powerful states. Regimes are trying to contain revolutionary moments everywhere. June 30 in Egypt is just one example… It is our responsibility not to let our revolution be stolen from us again. Glory to the people! The revolution continues! (Mosireen)

[1] See also: Democracy Street, (2013) Issue I, On the Mexican resistance, the new culture of empathy and sharing and the new Zapatista initiative: the “little schools” that teach freedom: a conversation with two Mexican activists (p.1-9)

[2] From the Introduction of Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari; London : Continuum 2000)

Lessons from 6 December, 2008